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Mein Kampf is the autobiography and articulated worldview of one of the most consequential men in history.  It is also one of the most maligned and least understood texts of the 20th century.  There have been so many obfuscations, deceptions, and outright falsehoods circulated about this work, that one scarcely knows where to begin.

Written in the mid-1920s when Hitler was still a relative unknown, this book has never had an adequate English translation.  With minor exception, all British or American publishers were inherently biased against the author and his ideas.  They had no real interest in producing a clear and accurate translation; in fact, just the opposite—they were anxious to portray the ideas as jumbled, incoherent, and even insane.  The reality is very different than this.  Hitler offers a clear and coherent account of history and his own worldview. His ideas resonate to the present day.
 

The work is presented here complete, unedited, and for the first time ever, in dual German-English translation.  This is useful for both scholars and laymen alike.  It allows the reader to check the veracity and completeness of the translation, and it encourages him to examine the subtleties associated with the German language.


Mein Kampf is one man’s assessment of history and vision for the future. It is blunt; it is harsh; it is unapologetic. It does not comply with contemporary standards of politeness, objectivity, and political correctness. It sounds offensive to sensitive modern ears. But the book is undeniably important. It is more consequential than perhaps any other political work in history. It deserves to be read, in a clear and unbiased translation. And each reader will then be free to determine its ultimate value and meaning for themselves.

 

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MEIN KAMPF Dual English-German Edition (vol.2)

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  • Mein Kampf (volume two): Dual English-German Translation by Adolf Hitler
    Translated by Thomas Dalton

    2019, paperback, 614 pages
    ISBN:  978-1732-3532-44

  • 1.    WORLDVIEW AND PARTY
    1.1    Bourgeois ‘Program Committees’
    1.2    Marxism and Democratic Principles
    1.3    Worldview Against Worldview
    1.4    The ‘Folkish’ Concept
    1.5    From Religious Feelings to Dogmatic Belief
    1.6    Marxism versus Race and Personality
    1.7    Organization of a Party

    2.    THE STATE
    2.1    Three Leading Conceptions of the State
    2.2    False Conceptions of ‘Germanization’
    2.3    The State is Not an End in Itself
    2.4    The National Socialist Conception of the State
    2.5    Criteria for the Evaluation of a State
    2.6    Consequences of our Racial Division
    2.7    The State—A Weapon in the Life-Struggle
    2.8    World History is Made by the Few
    2.9    Dangers of Racial Mixing
    2.10    The Folkish State and Racial Hygiene
    2.11    Educational Principles of the Folkish State
    2.12    Supervision Between School- and Military-Age
    2.13    Training in Secrecy
    2.14    Joy in Responsibility
    2.15    No Overloading of the Brain
    2.16    General Education—Specialized Education
    2.17    The Value of Humanistic Education
    2.18    Prevailing ‘Patriotic’ Education
    2.19    Awakening of National Pride
    2.20    Instilling a Sense of Race
    2.21    State Selection of the Fit
    2.22    Evaluation of Work
    2.23    Ideal and Reality

    3.    SUBJECTS AND CITIZENS
    3.1    Citizens—Subjects—Foreigners
    3.2    The Citizen as Master of the Reich

    4.    PERSONALITY AND THE FOLKISH STATE-CONCEPT
    4.1    Building on an Aristocratic Principle
    4.2    Personality and Cultural Progress
    4.3    Marxism Negates the Value of Personality
    4.4    The Best Form of State
    4.5    National Socialism and the Coming State

    5.    WORLDVIEW AND ORGANIZATION
    5.1    Struggle and Criticism
    5.2    Community as Basis for a New Worldview
    5.3    Leadership and Following
    5.4    Guiding Principles of the Movement
    5.5    National Socialism and the Folkish Idea

    6.    STRUGGLE IN EARLY TIMES: SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SPOKEN WORD
    6.1    Fight against Poisonous Propaganda
    6.2    Against the Tide
    6.3    Politics of the Wide View
    6.4    Enlightenment about the Peace Treaties
    6.5    Speech More Effective than Writing
    6.6    Marxism’s Success through Speech
    6.7    Psychological Conditions of Effective Speech
    6.8    Bethmann and Lloyd George as Speakers
    6.9    Necessity of Mass Meetings

    7.    CONFLICT WITH THE RED FRONT
    7.1    Bourgeois ‘Mass Meetings’
    7.2    Despicable Red Posters
    7.3    Vacillating Tactics of the Marxists
    7.4    Illegal Police Activity
    7.5    Psychologically Correct Meeting Management
    7.6    Marxist and Bourgeois Meeting Techniques
    7.7    National Socialist Security Troop
    7.8    Old and New Black-Red-Gold
    7.9    The National Socialist Flag
    7.10    First Meeting in the Circus
    7.11    An Attempted Disruption

    8.    THE STRONG MAN IS MIGHTIEST ALONE
    8.1    A Movement’s Right of Priority
    8.2    The Struggle for Leadership
    8.3    Austria and Prussia
    8.4    Causes of Folkish Splintering
    8.5    ‘Working Federations’

    9.    BASIC IDEAS REGARDING THE MEANING AND ORGANIZATION OF THE S.A.
    9.1    Three Bases of Authority
    9.2    Three Classes of National Bodies
    9.3    Sacrifice of the Best
    9.4    The Resulting Disorganization
    9.5    Deserters and Revolution
    9.6    Collaboration of the Leftist Parties
    9.7    Capitulation of the Bourgeoisie
    9.8    Why did the Revolution Succeed?
    9.9    Capitulation to Marxism
    9.10    No Fighting Power without an Idea
    9.11    Advocacy of the Folkish Idea
    9.12    Necessity of Defense Troops
    9.13    Why no Defense Leagues?
    9.14    No Secret Organizations
    9.15    Training of the SA
    9.16    First March in Munich
    9.17    March at Coburg
    9.18    The SA Succeeds as a Fighting Organization
    9.19    The End of 1923
    9.20    The New SA of 1925

    10.    THE MASK OF FEDERALISM
    10.1    Anti-Prussian Hatred as Diversionary Maneuver
    10.2    Kurt Eisner, ‘Bavarian Particularist’
    10.3    My Struggle against Anti-Prussian Hatred
    10.4    ‘Federative Activity’
    10.5    Jewish Incitement Activity
    10.6    Denominational Discord
    10.7    Federalized or Centralized State?
    10.8    The Policy of Redemption
    10.9    National State or Slave Colony?
    10.10    Unifying Tendencies
    10.11    Abuse of Centralization
    10.12    Cultural Tasks of the States
    10.13    One People—One State

    11.    PROPAGANDA AND ORGANIZATION
    11.1    Theoretician—Organizer—Agitator
    11.2    Propaganda and Organization
    11.3    Limitation of Membership
    11.4    Frightening the Faint-Hearted
    11.5    Reorganization of the Movement
    11.6    Responsibility of the Leader
    11.7    Building the Movement

    12.    THE TRADE UNION QUESTION
    12.1    Are Trade Unions Necessary?
    12.2    National Socialist Unions?
    12.3    No Dual Unions
    12.4    Battle of Worldviews Comes First
    12.5    Better No Foundation than a Failed One

    13.    GERMAN POST-WAR ALLIANCE POLICY
    13.1    Reasons for the Breakdown
    13.2    Aim of Foreign Policy: Freedom Tomorrow
    13.3    Pre-condition for the Liberation of Lost Regions
    13.4    Mistaken Continental Policy before the War
    13.5    Present European Power Relations: England and Germany
    13.6    England’s War Aim Not Achieved
    13.7    Political Goals of France and England
    13.8    Alliance Possibilities for Germany
    13.9    Is Germany Capable of Alliance Today?
    13.10    Divergence Between British and Jewish Interests
    13.11    Jewish World Incitement Against Germany
    13.12    Pandering to France
    13.13    The South Tyrol Question
    13.14    Who Betrayed South Tyrol?
    13.15    Three Questions on an Alliance Policy
    13.16    Neglected Exploitation of the Versailles Treaty
    13.17    Inversion of Anti-German Psychosis
    13.18    Concentration on One Enemy
    13.19    Reckoning with the Traitors
    13.20    Fascist Italy and Jewry
    13.21    England and Jewry
    13.22    Japan and Jewry
    13.23    Our Fight Against the World-Enemy

    14.    GERMANY’S POLICY IN EASTERN EUROPE
    14.1    Prejudice in Questions of Foreign Policy
    14.2    Significance of the State’s Area
    14.3    French and German Colonial Policy
    14.4    The Historical Mission of National Socialism
    14.5    Enduring Fruits of a Millennial Policy
    14.6    A Call for the Old Borders
    14.7    No Sentimentality in Foreign Policy
    14.8    Resumption of Eastern Policy
    14.9    Bismarck’s Russia Policy
    14.10    The ‘League of Oppressed Nations’
    14.11    Is England’s Rule in India Tottering?
    14.12    German Alliance with Russia?
    14.13    Germany and Russia Before the War
    14.14    The German-English-Italian Alliance
    14.15    Conditions for Eastern Policy
    14.16    The Foreign Policy Stamp of National Socialism

    15.    THE RIGHT TO EMERGENCY DEFENSE
    15.1    Cowardly Submission Brings No Mercy
    15.2    Seven Years to 1813—Seven Years to Locarno
    15.3    France’s Inevitable Political Goals
    15.4    Occupation of the Ruhr
    15.5    What Should Have Been Done After the Ruhr Occupation?
    15.6    Failure to Reckon with Marxism
    15.7    Cuno’s Way
    15.8    Passive Resistance
    15.9    November 1923

    CONCLUSION

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